A “Mediated” Catastrophe


In the wake of the strongest storm on record to make landfall, Filipinos had found all telecommunications cut off and basic infrastructure levelled. No information from the affected regions was readily available in the immediate aftermath of typhoon Haiyan.

Then from satellites orbiting the earth and from previously stranded news crews on the ground in Leyte, first a trickle, then a deluge of reports came pouring in. The images they showed and the stories they told gave people from all over the nation and the world an overall picture of the gravity of the event that had just occurred. Scenes of utter devastation and loss were beamed straight into our living rooms.

From there the narrative evolved. The coverage initially focused on the impact of the storm on the people, their property and the place itself. Arriving at an accurate picture of the scale and severity of the damage was difficult at first. Estimates were compiled, reported, misreported, corrected, and updated.

First it was 1,200 dead, then it was scaled up to 10,000. Then it was adjusted back down to 2,300, before rising to 3,600 and then to 4,500. The rubberiness of these figures themselves proved how desperate the situation had become. Expressions of sympathy along with pledges of support began flooding in from all over the world. Social media started to buzz with the same. About 10 million have been directly affected by the storm. 

From there, the media trained its microphones and lenses at the response to the emergency by the state, international donor community and civil society, and on how adequate/poor, efficient/slow, effective/haphazard it was. Statements made by the president and other public and community leaders prior to, during and after the event were analysed, evaluated and subjected to commentary, with varying degrees of slant, depending on who was doing it.

By Day 5 criticism over the absence or slow rate of response began to build. CNN’s Anderson Cooper, a veteran anchor and host of the show AC360 himself became part of the story when he began to offer his own personal opinions regarding the government’s actions since the storm hit. Having just arrived “on the scene” in Tacloban, he wondered out loud where the resources of the state were being deployed if at all. From his vantage point, there did not seem to be a presence.

He of course was speaking as a field reporter, travelling on foot and surveying what was in his vicinity. He was lambasted by a local news anchor, Korina Sanchez, for providing inaccurate information. She had a personal interest as her husband is the head of the interior and local government department. Sec Mar Roxas later appeared on CNN with Andrew Stevens explaining the logistics of aid, defending the government’s position, providing a macro picture of what the government had done and was continuing to do across the central islands and hundreds of municipalities affected.

The contrasting positions of official government representatives who were dealing with the crisis from the war room (which took a non-journalist in the person of Solita Monsod to document), as opposed to news reporters who were sampling local issues using partial, anecdotal evidence was not appreciated by the public, at large. Reality was being mediated by camera crews who were capturing conditions in specific locations without necessarily contextualising them.

This mediation of reality could be distorted without that broader awareness of what was happening in other places and behind the scenes. Social media began to reflect and magnify this somewhat slanted view. Memes began to pop up and multiply. The most common was the “nobody is in charge” one, particularly as reports of looting, stampeding, and shooting began to float around. By “catastrophising” the situation, the flow of aid may have unintentionally been slowed, as one Time magazine journalist observed.

It swamped stories of resilience, communities coming together, people pitching in, and successful operations elsewhere. The big picture was unavailable, only momentary media clips that could fit into bite-sized reporting, useful to the 24/7 news cycle. Rumours over a possible “state of emergency” or “martial law” began to fill the airwaves heightening that sense of insecurity and utter chaos, without necessarily being representative of the true situation.

The officials who claimed that conditions were well under control like President Aquino did with Christiane Amanpour or UN humanitarian chief Valerie Amos were branded as out of touch, aloof, uncaring. That is the other meme: the uncaring bureaucrat or arrogant, self-serving politician. The commentariat began to vilify them for their inaction, for failing to plan, control or respond quickly enough. They did so without taking into account the extreme nature of the event.

Compared to similar “Black Swans” that have occurred, like Hurricane Katrina, the Boxing Day tsunami, and the Haiti earthquake, the timeline of Typhoon Haiyan looked a lot similar. People are appalled by the seeming inaction, but they fail to take into account the length of time it takes to ship goods, materiel and forces into a devastated location. While media people can be airlifted in, the bulk of relief goods have to travel by sea or land. In an archipelagic region where ports and roads may have been severely impaired, it is certainly a massive challenge to get those stocks flowing.

For commercial media outlets who feel the pressure of competing for eyeballs, clicks and viewership, catastrophising the situation served their interests. As New York Magazine commented regarding CNN’s falling ratings during the coverage of the budget and Obamacare crisis in the US,

If CNN can’t win the ratings during a breaking crisis, it really is in trouble.

Of course that is not to say that some officials were not doing their jobs. Reports of relief workers prioritising their own kith and kin began to filter through. One news item talked about how relatives of survivors were being ferried in to provide direct assistance to loved ones. The state was being disparaged in social media for being weak and ineffective, so much so that it had to be bypassed.

On the other hand the vice president was receiving a fair deal of criticism for attaching his seal to relief goods. A photo of these items was being circulated by the “anti-epal” brigade whose meme is the basis for a campaign against any form of opportunistic patrimonialism by public officials during elections or times of crisis. As it turns out, there is some controversy over the date in which the actual images were taken, and the source of the relief goods.

Of course publicly elected officials will want to be seen lending support at a time like this, just as foreign superpowers seeking to influence cultural memes regarding their role in the world will use their military and aid agencies to do the same. They would be criticised by their constituents for not visibly doing anything. It is part of projecting their “smart” power. Altruistic motives mix with self-serving interests. It is just curious to see how one set of actions, or one form of “speech” gets privileged over another.


The message being relayed by such memes is of a state unable to protect its own citizens within its borders, so much so that a foreign power has to swoop down and do what local authorities can’t. By elevating one form of aid and denigrating another, these memes undermine the legitimacy of local officials in the eyes of their citizens who will begin to wonder whether it is time for them to vote with their feet and leave their country for foreign soil.

In the final analysis, a sound policy response can only be developed on the basis of carefully considered information, not spin, nor sound-bites. But that is not all. Good policy is worthless if it does not have the support of a well-informed citizenry. The fact that reality gets distorted through the lens of the traditional media and magnified by online and social media makes effective policy and program implementation even more difficult since the very legitimacy of the state and of its agencies is questioned and undermined at every turn.

Eventually, the crises that we find unmanageable may in actual fact have been made unmanageable in our minds first. When that happens, it is no longer a natural catastrophe that we face, but a mediated one, artificially constructed, mindlessly adopted by us from the sources of our information that prey on our human frailties and biases.

Doy Santos aka The Cusp

Doy Santos is an international development consultant who shuttles between Australia and the Philippines. He maintains a blog called The Cusp: A discussion of new thinking, new schools of thought and fresh ideas on public policy (www.thecusponline.org) and tweets as @thecusponline. He holds a Master in Development Economics from the University of the Philippines and an MS in Public Policy from Carnegie Mellon University.

  • manuel buencamino ,

    Bitches and trolls are exactly what we need in times of crisis. Go vent your unrsolved pre-pubescent traumas elsewhere.

    • Emmanuel Doy Santos ,

      Donor fatigue is the notion that the need is too great and the situation so hopeless that no amount of giving will make a difference.

      Is that what we want to project to the international community in this crisis?

      That’s what happens when we catastrophise the situation. It’s not about being pro- or anti-administration. It’s about having a sense of perspective in all this.

      • UPnnGrd ,

        2.5 million persons in need of food assistance.

        At $2.00-a-day for 3 months (make it 100 days) before Malakanyang/Kongreso funds can take care of its own… the need is for outside-$$$ of $500Million.

        But the need is for longer than 100 days. And then, there are houses that need to be built. About 150,000 houses totally destroyed, about same number partially destroyed.

        At $500-a-house for material… then $75M to rebuild the totally-destroyed houses. $75M sounds reasonable (although the $$$ raised is way below that). Reasonable unless $500-per-house/material is unreasonable. Then labor-cost —> maybe China volunteers to send in its citizens so they have work.

        • Emmanuel Doy Santos ,

          There is a WashPo article today that looks at the evidence from previous disasters. The earthquake in Pakistan is particularly illuminating in that 60% of damage costs was covered by increased remittances from relatives. So in lieu of property insurance, OFW is a way of hedging or mitigating risk in emerging economies.

          As for the disaster allowance. I made an estimate back in 2011 based on Center for Global Development figures that projected a 58% chance of a severe event that would affect 5% of the population. That would be 5 million. The UN estimate is that 10 million were directly affected.

          If you take 5 million and multiply that by Php 10,000 would be Php 50 billion or $1.1 billion. That is the 125% of the CCT program for 2014. I suggested before that the Malampaya Fund should not just support energy, but climate change adaptation and mitigation measures. Another option would be to divert the PDAF to this effort for the next two years. But the more permanent solution is to have a permanent fund set aside for events like these as we should expect more of them in the future.

        • UPnnGrd ,

          To ask field reporters to think for 10 or 25 minuters extra before they release their reports, and to sanitize their reporting as necessary because …… ahem…. their report may damage the reputation of Malakanyang or Kongreso or Secretary-this or husband-of-former-this-or-that . Marcos (the Marcos, not Bongbong or Irene) would have liked that.

          • Emmanuel Doy Santos ,

            I’m not suggesting we sanitise the news. Only that we be more mindful and discriminating/discerning in consuming the news as it is served to us. It would help if there was a show like Media Watch or the Daily Show which calls the media out for not living up to journalistic standards of objectivity and balance.

          • GabbyBD ,

            i this this is much more balanced than many i’ve been reading online and on twitter.

            its a tough situation, but i do rue the fact that the govt didnt do food drops during the first few days of the crisis.

            i still dont understand why they didnt do that. the only article i found was this, nixing the idea:

            i think his arguments are 100% wrong, because there are varying time frames in which to respond to crisis. the immediate needs in the first three days are food and water, and over the rest of the week, more traditional methods of distribution should have taken over as roads, ports, etc were getting cleared out.

            • baycas ,

              Balanced…I believe so too.

              • Emmanuel Doy Santos ,

                If you follow the link provided to Monsod’s article you’ll find that relief goods were airlifted early on. But as the Time journo pointed out substantial supplies have to be shipped.

                • GabbyBD ,

                  no, what i meant was airshipping to municipalities and out of the way/hard to get to places.

                  the column explicitly says that “he Air Force and Navy began transporting Humanitarian Assistance and Disaster Relief (HADR) assets and equipment coordinated by a command post in Tacloban (at the police station).”

                  and other times mentions cebu, roxas, etc… but NOT the smaller brgys and munis.