All posts by: The ProPinoy Project

Teodoro's stand on RH Bill shallow and pro-Arroyo?

Teodoro favors cash perks for natural birth control
By TJ Burgonio
Philippine Daily Inquirer

MANILA, Philippines—Presidential candidate Gilbert Teodoro Wednesday offered no apologies for abandoning the reproductive health bill, and even proposed granting cash incentives poor families practicing natural birth control methods.

The administration standard-bearer found himself defending his and his wife’s decision to withdraw support from the controversial measure before doctors and medical students in a forum at the University of the Philippines in Manila.

At the forum dubbed “Make Health Count,” Teodoro explained that the debate over the measure in the House of Representatives had become so “acrimonious” that the stakeholders totally forgot about the problem of population.

Big debate

“The big debate is whether or not the government can shape a moral choice. And that is the argument of the Church. That the government should not actively advocate for making a moral choice. The debate stopped there,” he said.

Teodoro indicated that he agreed with the Church position, and said that the government should be “neutral” but should support the “moral choice” of every individual with resources.

The Church, for its part, should take it upon itself to shape the “moral choice” by acknowledging the problem of a growing population, he added.

“What should the government do? Instead of being involved in debate, we should support a moral choice,” he said in response to former Health Secretary Alberto Romualdez’s question why he and his wife Tarlac Rep. Nikki Prieto-Teodoro withdrew support from the bill. “I’d rather have resources to support a moral choice rather than fight over a bill.”

Teodoro said there was a need to come to a “mutual and common understanding” on addressing population “whereby the government respects the moral choice and provides resources toward supporting that moral choice.”

Pending for years

“If they use the rhythm method, we can have some resources to support that by a conditional cash transfer if they do not a have birth within a year or so for the poorest of the poor,” he said, referring to the government’s program of granting cash to poor families with children enrolled in public schools.

The bill known as the “Reproductive Health and Population Development Act of 2008” has been pending for years in the House due to fierce opposition from the Church.

It promotes information and access to both natural and modern family planning methods, and assures an enabling environment where women and couples have the freedom of informed choice on the mode of family planning they want to adopt based on their needs, personal convictions and religious beliefs, according to its authors.

Romualdez was unimpressed with Teodoro’s explanation, observing that he merely reduced the debate to a problem of population and economics.

“I think he has a problem with appreciating the problem of reproductive health as simply a problem of population and economics. It’s an issue of the rights of women to determine what to do with themselves,” he said in an interview.

He branded Teodoro’s pronouncement that the government should support the people’s choice as a “motherhood statement.”

“He has caved in to the Church and agreed with his President, whose position is the reason why we have a big problem in population,” Romualdez said.

C-5 at Tiaga?

C-5 at Tiaga?

Written by Cocoy


The Senate became an arena this week where Gladiators clashed.  It wasn’t Yoda with his green blade of life and the entirety of Jedi lineage meeting Palpatine’s crimson blade of darkness and a thousand years of Sith treachery, saber to saber.  There was no lightning thrown from The Dark Lord of the Sith’s hand to scorch the little green Grand Master of the Jedi.   Was it ironic then that it was Enrile playing Yoda, and Villar, Palpatine?

This week declared that the phony war was over and from here on the campaign really begins.   On the sand, lines were drawn, sides were chosen and each senator stood behind theirs.  It just so happened that Manny Villar received the first assault.  Many are in fact calling upon him to Face the Music.

There are too many “facts.”  Each side, of course will draw their own “evidence”.  How then do we sort through the mess and the mountain of “evidence”?

Mentats, according to Frank Herbert were humans trained to surpass computers because of their ability to analyze data and to formulate a conclusion.  Will we function as a Mentat?

This is what Team Villar said happened (C5 Primer).

There was no double appropriation.

  • 1st 200M was for Sucat Flyover;
  • 2nd 200M was for Coastal Flyover;

Did Villar cause C5 Road Extension to be diverted to deliberately pass through his properties?

  • Alignment was DPWH identified.
  • Alleged ‘original alignment’ was really the alignment of Manila-Cavite Toll Express Way Project (different from C5 Road Project)
  • MCTE and C5 are separate and implemented independently.

On October 15, 2008, Robert Lala, CESO III, regional director, NCR wrote:

“The project was not re-routed as it followed the original route or alignment prepared by DPWH-NCR except for the location of 1 bridge (bridge 2), whose centerline was slightly shifted in the upstream direction to rotate it in a more north-south direction in order not to create conflict with the proposed alignment of LRT Line 1 South Extension Project.”


Did the government acquire the properties owned by Villar at an over-priced amount?

Manny Villar said that properties were acquired at their zonal values, as certified by the Bureau of Internal Revenue (BIR).  He cited BIR certification dated October 6, 2003 by Carmelita Bacod, Revenue District Officer:

“This is to certify that the zonal value of the commercial property located in Real St. Barangay Pulang Lupa Uno, vicinity of Perpetual Village is PHP13,300, based on Revised Zonal Valuation 1996.”

Is Senator Villar required to “divest” under the law?

According to Team Villar, the Constitution only requires full disclosure of financial and business interest by Senators.

Was there conflict of interest?

The Code of Conduct and Ethical Standards for Public Officials, “Conflict of Interest” occurs when the official or employee is a substantial stockholder of a corporation and the interest of the corporation is opposed to or affected by the faithful performance of official duty.

That said, with regard to C5, Villar’s said that at the very least, there was a “confluence” of interest, but not “conflict”.

On November 1999, the DOJ wrote that “the acquisition by the government of  Villar properties for right of way, does not fall within the constitutional prohibition under Sec. 14, Article VI.  The acquisition is but a necessary consequence of the exercise by TRB and DPWH of its power to condemn private property for public use subject to the provisions of existing law”.


On January 18, 2010 Enrile’s Committee Report came out, highlighting the charges before Manny Villar. This is what the opposing team says what happened.

Manny Villar was in violation of these following laws:

  • The 1987 Constitution, specifically Article VI, section 12 and 14;
  • Republic Act 6713, Section 7, which prohibits acts and transactions:

Public officials and employees shall not directly or indirectly have financial or material interest in any transaction requiring approval of their office.

  • Republic Act 6713, Section 9:

“Divestment: A public official or employee shall avoid conflicts of interest at all times.  When a conflict of interest arises he shall resign from his position in any private business enterprise withinin 30 days from assumption of office and/or divest himself of his shareholding or interest within sixty days from such assumption.”

Villar Properties along C5 Road Extension:


Villar Properties where overpriced.  33x or 3,3000% or 4x or 400%

Here is a comparative Summary:



  • Villar used his position in government to change alignment of planned C5 Road extension, by proposing, initiating, and funding the contruction of the Las Pinas-paranaque Link Road and the C5 Road extension project;
  • As Chair of Senate Committee on Finance and as Senate President caused appropriation of public funds for Las Pinas-Paranaque Link and C5 Road Extension project.
  • Inserted 200M into the 2008 National Budget for project, including payment for road-right of way.
  • Villar falsified BIR Certifications on zonal valuation;
  • Villar caused the government to incur unnecessary and additional expenditures: PHP3,764,799,130.35 plus loss of PHP1.85B already paid by the government for the acquisition of lands to be used as road-right-of-way of the original C5 Road Extension Project.
  • Villar failed to divest his interest in Adelfa Properties, Golden Haven Memorial Park and Brittany Corporation that benefited from the C5 Road Extension as well as Las Pinas-Paranaque Link Road and C5 Road Extension Project.

Location Map of the Original Planned C5 Road Extension:


Here is a letter of Request for the RE-alignment of C5 Road Extension (source Ombudsman Records):


In a memo to the President by then Appointments Secretary Benjamin De Leon recommending re-alignment of C5 Extension proposed by Manny Villar (source is Ombudsman Records):

“Subject: Request of Bro. Mike Velarde Re: DPWH Road Right of Way Payment/Settlement on C5

2.1 For the toll regulatory board under DPWH Secretary Vigllar to approve the plan jointly submitted by AMVEL Corp of Bro. Mike, ShoeMart, Inc., under Henry Sy and Adelfa, Inc. of Re. Manny Villar,”

This is DPWH’s Reply approving Villar et al’s proposed re-alignment of C5 Road Extension (source Ombudsman Records):

  1. Early this year, though your letters of 22 January 1998, 23 January 1998, 24 April 1988, and 27 April 1998, you and property owners in the same area sought a realignment of the entrance and exit ramps of the C5 Interchange.  This request was approved by the Toll Regulatory Board in its Resolution No. 98-22 on 30 April 1998.  This realignment necessited the revision of the plans and drawings for the said interchange.  It also required a reassessment of the properties affected by said realignment.
  2. Signed Gregorio Vigilar, Secretary DPWH and chairman, Toll Regulatory Board.

Here are the lands affected by Realigned C5 Road Ext. Project from Multinational Road to Sucat Road:


Adelfa properties Inc., between 1997 until 2008 says that Manuel  B. Villar Jr. owned 52% while Cynthia A. Villar owned 48%.

In the loan agreement for RROW payment of the Original Planned C5 Road Extension the project profile of Las Pinas-Paranaque Link Road cites that the proponets of the plan were Manuel B. Villar, Jr. and Cong. Cynthia A. Villar:


Securities and Exchange Commission documents reveal that Golden Haven memorial Park is 92% owned by Adelfa Properties, Inc.

The government paid 137M for 13 lots that were on the Right of Way. 85M is still unpaid by the Government.

On the question of zonal value that Villar answered there wasn’t any overpriced deal the opposition countered as incorrect.  Villar used wrong zonal valuation:

[Villar used wrong Zonal Valuation]


and how about the BIR Certification?


Based on testimony, the DBM didn’t know of the PHP200M budget insertion:

Mr. Francisco: “Okay, Now, were you able to discuss this PHP200M redundant appropriation with your department secretary?

Mr. Tayo: I still remember when we received the list for the 2008 budget.  Nakita po naming iyon na mayron ngang similarity iyong release na PHP200M.  So ang pagka-alam po ng Department, especially the National Capital Region being the implementer of projects within Metro Manila, medyo hindi ho naming alam iyong another PHP200M.  Only the first 200M ang alam naming.  In most likelihood, even the department, hindi rin po nila alam yung another 200M, your Honor.

Mr. Francisco: What was the reaction of Secretary Ebdane when he learned about this redundant P200M item in the 2008 budget?

Mr. Tayo: “Ang pagkadinig kop o noon, sabi n’ya “Hindi ika natin problema iyan.”  Meaning, hindi naming alam.  The DPWH doesn’t know about the 200M, Your Honor.

Mr. Francisco:  “So, you did not request the office of Senator Manny Villar or Senator Manny Villar to fund an additional 200M for the C5 road Extension project?”

Mr. Tayo: “As far as I know, wala po kasi alam na naming mayroon 200M. The 200M is included as part of the ceiling of the DPWH.  Mayroon po kasing corresponding ceiling kada departamento.  In the case of NCR, binigyan po kami ng ceiling na ganun lang so we will not exceed – we cannot exceed with that ceiling.  The 200M po ang kasama.”

On the point that Villar had been using bulk of his pork barrel for the Las Pinas-Paranaque Link road which would benefit his companies, it was Senator Roxas who asked, “Okay so isn’t that another way of saying, two-thirds or 67% of what the office of Senator Villar recommended to the budget is made up of this one project?”

Mr. Adriano: “Yes your honor.”

When asked if Villar Companies were going to build high end residential buildings in the area traversedby the Las Pinas-Paranaque Link Road, Mr. Adriano replied this,

“Usually, it’s a plan conceptualized by the developer with the help of professional architects and engineers to give basically the developer an idea in paper what he wants to put up in the area.”

People want facts and both sides of the picture. So there are the two sides of the story.  Villar says that everything is above board.  The opposing team says, clearly the cost of the old C5 plan was 2.678B pesos while the new one cost 6.96B. Documents clearly show that Manny Villar and in some cases his wife, were instrumental in funding the project.  Granted, that it is for the constituents of Las Pinas, but then can you blame people from distrusting the Villars where clearly it is the couple who are profiting from this windfall?  That’s assuming that the price paid for the properties were at zonal value and not overpriced.  It becomes crazier once we look at those properties as being overpriced.

For the sake of argument, on the point that according to Villar the constitution says that only executive officials are required to divest their holdings while he, being in the legislature need only to inform the senate of his possible conflict of interest may be accepted as a fair point.

Yet, given the context that one of the biggest problems we have in the Philippines is the lack of any sense of propriety from our elected officials, can you really say before the people that what Manny Villar did is skirting on the edge of legality? It becomes a point that just because you can, doesn’t mean you should.

When you add Republic Act 6713 sections 7 and 9 into the mix, from my layman’s point of view, Manny Villar and his wife were in violation of the law. Manny Villar’s business interests no matter which way you put it, benefitted in some way with the realignment of C5 from the Original Plan.  Divesting themselves from their business interest while elected would have done a long way to prove they are honorable.

As Schumey put it, “The Truth is in the Documents.”

Barrio Siete on the one hand says, “Villar’s Throwing Stones in a Glass House!

Now on the point that this was an election related incident, testimony has been building for months even before Mr. Villar announced his candidacy.  With all the infomercials he had been airing even a year before, I suppose “before” is a bit of a “stretch”.  Still, does it matter if Villar’s controversy was tackled last month or a week before official campaign season starts?

The fact of the matter is, where there is smoke, there is fire. And there is a lot of smoke coming out of Manny Villar’s involvement with C5.  And right now, this is Villar’s test of fire.  He must face these charges and surpass them, or his presidency, if elected will be off to a shaky start.  That’s not what we need as a nation.

In Manny Villar’s Platform, I had asked you how big a difference there is between Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo and Manny Villar.  He claims to be and expert.  He’s the businessman; he’s the entrepreneur and claims the same thing Gloria did in 2004 that expertise will win the day. Lito Banayo identified Manny Villar as, “Her” man.

Does it matter if Villar is GMA-like or GMA’s man?

It does when you look at the context that the past nine years saw our democratic institutions wither and fail.  It does when you look at it from the perspective that there is no longer any sense of propriety in members of our Government and such values are tickling down to our private lives.

If we are not careful, we will soon find ourselves in a nation where the notion of a sense of propriety, of duty, of honor, of obligation, of decency is merely myth best forgotten.

I had recently asked, “Should Manny Villar Drop Off the Race?”

Setting aside that Manny Villar is Gloria-like or even if he is the president’s candidate, which btw, is quite plausible since Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo is known for her throwing everything including the kitchen sink to see which works, a controversy of this magnitude need to be met and settled.

This is Manny Villar who set in motion Mr. Estrada’s impeachment.  The charges brought forth before Mr. Villar is nothing to laugh about or to ignore.  We cannot have the next President of the Philippines already bog down by corruption charges.

I brought before you, dear reader, Manny Villar’s opinion.  I brought before you the opinion of those who laid the charges before him as best as I could.  I gave you my opinion on the matter.

In a perfect world, Manny Villar would now be withdrawing his candidacy, out of a sense of propriety to face the charges before him.  If he is truly presidential material then here is the test he must pass.  Prove his innocence or withdraw from the race.   That should be the price of censure.  That should be the price of C5 at Tiaga.

An Open Letter To Candidate Gilbert Teodoro

An Open Letter To Candidate Gilbert Teodoro

Dear Mr. former Defense Secretary,

Press reports these past several days are quoting you as saying:

•    I may not yet be the winning candidate but certainly a “winnable” one.
•    What the Philippines needs right now is a little bit of political understanding.
And we can’t have that if some people are stonewalled against others. I think that’s the most important thing that I can do. [Provide] some basis for an achievable working arrangement even between disparate political forces.
•    I can give a lot of balance to things. I can look at things in perspective. I know the long-term structural and institutional requirements of the country. And perhaps because of my experience being in both the opposition and the administration, I have the quality of making people work together. I have credibility with a lot of people of diverse political persuasions.
There is no danger whatsoever of the threat groups winning against the government. But to contain them, the military has to be adequately staffed and funded.
•    I am her candidate. I don’t have any reason to doubt that, and if, assuming for the sake of argument, I am not, still I am the standard-bearer [of the ruling Lakas-Kampi-CMD] and if I lose I will only have myself to blame. I am here, I am the standard-bearer, I should make the most of it. If I don’t win, that is my problem.
•    My relationship with the President is professional.
Whether there is distance, whether there is closeness, at the end of the day, it’s my decision that counts. .
•    (On  reports that the President’s husband was supporting rival Sen. Manuel Villar of the Nacionalista Party) I don’t care. That’s beyond me.

Given both your academic credentials and your experience in the legislative and legislative branches of government, I feel, almost, that you are the best pick for the presidency.

Never mind your cellar level ratings.

But one major fact erodes  if not destroys your credibility, and many think, your fitness to be President:

Gloria Macapagal Arroyo.

Your support for her and inability to see her sins destroy any whit of credibility you aspire for. Sure you’ve uttered the line that you wo’t stand in the way of charge that will hopund her after she steps down from poffice, if she does at all.

Where were you when YOUR government was arming the Ampatuans?

Where were yuou when the 57 innocents were murdered in Maguindanao?
Where was your voice when your President brazenly attempted the Mindanao sell-of via the MoA-AD?

Where were you when the mother of all scams, the NBN-ZTE deal was attempted?

Where were you when the Abu Sayyaf was on its kidnapping and killing sprees and while the MILF continues to hold our country at gunpoint?

Your solution, like your patron, is to simply throw more public money at the insurgency problem  (all the while failing to say how a peaceful political settlement will be achieved) .
There quite other issues.

But just let me add a final point:

You say your relationship with Gloria Macapagal Arroyo is just “professional”.

So pera-pera lang. Di bale na ang Bayan.

Thanks but no thanks po. 2010 is not simply about Filipinos looking for competent leadership,


Consider this scenario:

You win and your boss, Gloria, takes the post of House Speaker. Hell she even wants to appoint her own Chief-Justice-In-Waiting.

What will you have Filipinos do?


The Philippine Dasily Inquirer now quotes Mr. Teodoro as telling a Davao Del Norte gathering:

What’s important is I will win the elections.
The speculations that many administration legislators are forsaking the ruling Lakas-Kampi-CMD for other parties whose candidates are seen to have a better chance of winning in the May elections are just rumors.
I will be included in the top 3 in the surveys (once the campaign period kicks off next month).

Of course winning the election is what’s important.

I hope you’re not saying Sir ‘Gibo’ that your operators will do that at all costs.

Pray tell Filipinos, only 5% of whom give you a thumbs up, how that’ll happen cleanly.

Sige nga po?

Face The Music

Face The Music

The presentation of evidence and the sharing of testimony in an investigation or trial are not mere exercises in establishing guilt or proving innocence, but the realization of justice.  There is no hiding from – and there is no escaping – justice.  The laws of the land, and the institutions that enforce and secure justice for all, exist without partiality to the accused and the accuser.  Without regard to power, without partiality to wealth: “justice for all.”

Manny Villar has made it painfully clear (in more ways than one) that he has no intention of facing his accusers in the Senate.  At the very root of this, Villar says, is politics: that ever since his survey numbers shot up, the C5 controversy is used against him to pull him down.  For all intents and purposes, Villar is not being asked to face the chamber to shoot himself in the foot, but to establish and administer the very notion of justice and the system that ensures it: to prosecute the guilty, to uphold the rights of the innocent, and to keep society in harmony.

By boycotting the Senate hearings, Sen. Villar obstructs a lofty goal that is within the reach of citizens if they strive for it enough: justice.

Villar chooses, instead, to explain the C5 imbroglio to the public, to elicit the sympathy and belief of the citizens to vindicate him and clear his name.  As a citizen, my door is open for Mr. Villar and I am ready to entertain his grievances, but I cannot administer justice in behalf of the institution that seeks to investigate him and to make sure that justice is done.  I do not have the power, I do not have the obligation, and the single vote that he may elicit from his calls for sympathy will not exonerate him or prove his innocence.  The public awaits Villar to take his stand in the Senate and to explain his side to his colleagues regardless of flak or political consequence; not because it will hurt his ratings, but because it can close the issue once and for all.

There are more important things in politics than Villar’s survey ratings, like transparency and equity, and the confidence we have in our government officials to serve the public unconditionally and without the ulterior motive of personal gain.  Even the most guilt-ridden of petty criminals will cry out for their innocence on the desk of a police officer.  What more, then, for a sitting Senator who is asked to face his colleagues?

From a viewpoint of guilt and innocence, Mr. Villar has nothing to fear: a dialogue or investigation serves nothing more than the purpose of affirming either guilt or innocence.  There is no reason for Mr. Villar to be afraid, even, of collateral damage to survey ratings: a man who occupies such an esteemed position should realize that truth is far more important than percentages in surveys.  More than that, though, a bribe – if Sen. Juan Ponce Enrile is to be believed – is an affront to the notion of justice itself.

Mr. Villar, embroiled in the C5 fiasco, stands accused of exerting his political and economic influence so that his properties may benefit from the C5 realignment, resulting in his corporations’ monetary gain.  That injustice has yet to be proven true or false, which is what the Senate is set and obliged to do.  The good Senator cannot address an injustice with another injustice: by wearing the ring of Gyges, and rendering himself not responsible and without consequence to something he is accused of, without the benefit of him airing his side of the story and presenting his evidence in the venue accorded to him.

Manny Villar may not like the people investigating him.  Manny Villar may not like the people accusing him.  He may not even believe in the shared notions of justice that maybe we can all agree with.  Yet for all his billions, his survey ratings, and his power he is not above the Senate, he is not above the law, and he is not above justice.  For him to continue to hide behind the cloak of whatever he seeks to defend him, and for him to pin this all on personal vendetta and the threat against his political ambitions, is nothing short of wrong.

Plato writes that the wise man should rule because he understands what is good.  I appeal to the wisdom of Senator Villar to understand that good: to face the music, to respond to the accusations leveled against him.  It is there where the road to justice begins, and he should see through it – as we all do – to the very end.

Villar's shenanigans to avoid censure, but reports are damning and objective

‘Sipag at tiyaga’ in applied politics

By Solita Collas-Monsod
Philippine Daily Inquirer
First Posted 00:05:00 01/23/2010

THIS CAN BE considered the continuing saga of Sen. Manny Villar’s efforts to diffuse the ethics and misconduct charges against him. If it were put into music, two alternating refrains would have to be sung: if-at-first-you-don’t-succeed-try-try-again (or maybe sipag at tiyaga), and curses-foiled again.

In the first scene, Villar tries to impugn the integrity of the Senate ethics committee, which was about to investigate charges brought against him by Sen. Jamby Madrigal regarding the C-5 Extension Project. He delivers a privilege speech on the Senate floor calling the ethics committee a kangaroo court whose members were mostly “presidentiables” out for his blood. He states that he will not appear before the committee but will answer the charges before the Senate on the Senate floor.

Unfortunately for him, ethics committee chair Sen. Panfilo Lacson calls what proved to be Villar’s bluff, and moves that the Senate constitute itself into a Committee of the Whole (COW) with Senate President Juan Ponce Enrile as chair, and take over jurisdiction over the Madrigal complaint from the ethics committee. The motion is approved by the Senate. (Curses. Foiled.)

Nothing daunted (if at first you don’t succeed), Villar, who it appears doesn’t want to be investigated by the COW either, makes his next move: he goes to the Supreme Court, together with Senators Nene Pimentel, Joker Arroyo, Francis Pangilinan and Pia and Alan Cayetano, to ask the Court first for a Temporary Restraining Order (TRO) and eventually a permanent injunction to stop the COW from continuing its investigation. The reason? They don’t like the rules under which the investigation is to be conducted (this, even though Alan Cayetano’s amendments to those rules had been adopted).

Unfortunately again for Villar, the Supreme Court refuses to cooperate—the desired TRO is not issued, and the COW proceedings continue. (Curses. Foiled again.) Following its Preliminary Inquiry Report, which finds that the documentary evidence so far submitted by Madrigal appears to constitute credible substantial evidence against Villar (sidebar: one of the 12 senators who adopted this report was Sen. Loren Legarda), the COW holds a Preliminary Conference, followed by 12 adjudicatory hearings from June to October 2009.

So Villar now tries passive resistance. (Sipag at tiyaga?) He attends none of those hearings. Instead, he brings his case “to the people,” defending himself in the media, despite Enrile’s friendly warning that the COW cannot evaluate evidence or testimony that is not presented to it.

In any case, the evidence presented against Villar is overwhelming—more than 900 exhibits—documentary (irrefutable—composed of official documents), as well as testimonies of DPWH, Senate and budget officials. The evidence is also very damning as I have seen for myself, having read the COW Report, which is both exhaustive and objective.

But I get ahead of myself. The adjudicatory hearings end in the middle of October, and Senate President Enrile targets the end of December to come up with the COW’s findings and recommendations.

At which point, Senator Villar plays what could be considered a trump card: On Nov. 19, barely a month after the hearings are terminated and with no report yet in sight, 12 senators (including Villar) file a resolution to dismiss the Madrigal complaint and to clear him of all the charges. Let us not underestimate the significance of this move: For a committee report to be reported out and considered in plenary, it needs to be signed by a majority (12, because the Senate has only 23 members now). So if 12 already signed a resolution clearing Villar, that means that only 11 were left to sign the COW report—and therefore the COW report would not even see the light of day. Aborted. Defanged. Neutralized.

(An interesting sidelight: The Villar 12 resolution reportedly should not have included Villar’s name. It was Trillanes’ signature that was supposed to be the 12th. But Trillanes reportedly refused to sign it, and so Villar perforce had to add his signature—kind of reducing the resolution’s effectivity, because in effect Villar was clearing himself.)

Unfortunately again for Villar, he underestimates Juan Ponce Enrile’s mettle. Badly. Enrile, enraged by the underhandedness of the move, declares the resolution out of order, saying that the time to bring it up is when the COW report is finished and not a minute before. In any case the issue becomes moot, because the Villar 12 almost immediately become the Villar 11. Jinggoy Estrada withdraws his name from the resolution—apparently he was asked to sign under false pretenses, because he was given to understand that it would not be released until the COW report came out. Curses. Foiled again.

Back to the trenches for Villar. And this time every effort is made to prevent the COW report from getting the 12 signatures necessary—including threatening Enrile with removal from his position unless he plays ball.

Here again, failure for Villar. Enrile—say what you will about him—doesn’t scare easy. He’s been there, done that. And 12 senators sign the report.

Villar carries out his threat (try and try again). He can’t get the numbers. (Curses. Foiled again.)

Count them folks. Six tries. Six flops. Will Villar make a seventh? We will know on Monday. Is he guilty of the charges? It certainly looks that way. But we’ll save that for later.

Villar's inconsistenices, recorded.

Parsing Villar, self-proclaimed Trapo

Doubtless I am fighting a moot, not to mention lonely, semantic battle, but, to my mind, there are few examples that better illustrate the unwieldiness of political bywords than “trapo”. A contraction of “tradpol”, which itself is a contraction of “traditional politician”, it has found its way into popular vocabulary as a term of unequivocal opprobrium. Even the most cursory examination, however, would reveal that “trapo” is underpinned by a problematic assumption. It is reasonable enough to posit that there exists in the political realm a specific set of traditions, which might be tentatively defined as practices that are formalized, usually de facto, for the purpose of ensuring their repetition, and, by such repetition, acquire the sanction of perpetuity—this is, after all, true of any given arena of human activity—but “trapo” implies that these traditions are always already detrimental to the general public.

This is not to deny that there are bad politicians, but configuring the ills of the state along such simplistic lines as “traditional” and “non-traditional” is, in my opinion, ultimately unproductive—consider, as a parallel example, how thoroughly demonized “politics” has become, given how it has been indiscriminately used as a synonym for engagement in symbolic battles over trivialities, or for poorly cloaked self-aggrandizement, as might be sensed in the phrase “politically motivated”.

One might also wish to think about how unfair “trapo” is to the rag, which, if a scrap of cloth, at least has the ability to sop up messes—hardly a description that can be applied to the many venal “honorables” that haunt government offices everywhere in these islands. Is the negative connotation perhaps inadvertently revelatory of a widespread aversion to cleanliness, and, by extension, godliness?

In any case, that “trapo” tends to confuse rather than to clarify is easy enough to demonstrate. Last year, during an interview of presidential candidate Manny Villar by veteran journalist Cheche Lazaro for Probe Profiles, the issue of “traditional politics” was brought up, and his response is worth quoting at length, in all its convolutedness:

But what is traditional? Yun ang gusto ng tao and inihalal ka ng tao demokrasya kasi tayo. And kung nagustuhan ka ng tao, yun yung sistema natin. At yun ang tradition. Di lamang tradition yan. Yun ang sistema natin. So, hindi ko maintindihan yung salitang traditional siya. In fact, ako nagdududa ako pag may nagsabing non-traditional. Baka naman mali yung kampaya niya. Pero ibig ko lang sabihin, yung mga nagsasabi ng ganyan, either di naintindihan yung ating sistema ng gobyerno o nagsisinugaling siya.

…Kung traditional yung pagkampanya, traditional. Pero kung sa objective at nagawa, hindi siguro traditional. Dahil siguro bilang naging Speaker of the House and Senate President, tayo lang naman ang nakagawa niyan post war. And kahit papaano naman, may mga nagawa na tayo ng nakaraan na maipagmamalaki ko naman. Nakatulong sa ating mga kababayan. In that sense, hindi ako traditional. Kaya kung ang kampanya, traditional yan kasi that’s the only way you will win pero du’n sa performance mo, dun na nagkakaiba. Because du’n sa performance mo, may magandang performance, may hindi. May hinahangaan, may hindi. Yung hindi, kung karamihan, mababa ang grade, ika nga, yun ang pangkaraniwan, ikaw ang exceptional.

Villar himself is confusing, of course: if he does not understand or disagrees with the concept of “trapo”, how did the lines “Akala mo trapo/Yun pala katropa mo“, an assertion that he is not traditional, come to find their way into one of his campaign jingles? (An extended discussion of his discomfiting slipperiness may be found on Blog Watch.) Still, the idea that tradition is rooted in what the people generally desire is not without merit—traditions are consensually established, anyway—and thus it can be said that Villar is a trapo in that he believes he can deliver what the people want.

The pertinent question, then, is this: What does Villar think that the people want?


Question: Does Villar think that the people want a president with a clear, reliable platform—that is, a set of declared principles that will guide all policy decisions?

Answer: No.

In an interview on The Big Picture with Ricky Carandang, Villar said, “Kasi yung mga plataporma, madaling sabihin ‘yan e. Pagagawa mo lang sa speechwriter mo ang mga plataporma mo, sasabihin mo ‘yan, me-memorize-in mo ‘yan, okay na.” (See 7:01 to 7:10 of the video above.)

This may explain why, despite the so-called “mutual adoption” of platforms that took place between the Nacionalista Party and the leftist Makabayan coalition, the platform is nowhere to be found on the Nacionalista Party web site, or on any of Villar’s official web sites.

It should be no surprise, therefore, that his attendance at public forums has been notoriously spotty. As he said to Carandang, “Nakikita ko na ‘yung mga forums na ‘yan, parang…parang nakakasayang lang ng oras.” (See 8:23 to 8:28 of the video above.)

Question: Does Villar think that the people want a president who tells the truth?

Answer: No.

Asked if it was true that he had benefited from the construction of Daang Hari—a road that was opened in 2004 and links together Las Piñas, Muntinlupa, Laguna, and Cavite—because it courses through seven or eight subdivisions that his various real estate companies had built, Villar told ABS-CBN reporter Ted Failon that, “Akala lamang nila, pag-aari po natin, at hindi pa nga ako nababayaran ng gobyerno ng right-of-way nila. Iniimbita ko po kayo, at sasamahan ko po kayo. Papatunayan ko sa inyo na hindi ako nakinabang diyan.” (See 1:53 to 2:03 of the video above.)

Failon took him up on the challenge, and found that Daang Hari passed by a whopping 23 of Villar’s developments in the area. It may be that Villar has yet to be paid by the government for right-of-way, but that is an ancillary issue at best—the point is that he was caught on television telling an outright lie.

Question: Does Villar think that the people want a president who will not spend more than he and his allies can legally and ethically recoup once he is installed in office?

Answer: No.

According to a study by Nielsen Media Research, Villar had already spent about PhP325 million from May 2008 to October 2009 on media alone.

There can be no doubt that he is the biggest spender among the current crop presidential candidates. He told Reuters back in March 2009 that, “If you can’t even raise one billion pesos, why even run?” and so it can be safely assumed that this is the minimum amount he is prepared to spend.

How does a president with an annual salary that does not even reach one million pesos earn one billion back over a six-year term? Is this not a losing proposition for any entrepreneur, especially one with the much-vaunted experience of Villar?

Manolo Quezon asked in his January 21 Philippine Daily Inquirer column, “Does [Villar’s quest for] public office mean that money is merely a means to an end or is it public office that is merely a means to an end?The Philippine Star columnist Billy Esposo, on the other hand, has warned that “the biggest campaign spender can also be the worst possible plunderer“.

He also had this to say to Reuters: “With me, what you see is what you get. With some candidates, you’ll have to ask, who’s behind you? They say there is one golden rule, he who has the gold rules.”

Was that an admission that he will buy his way into the highest office in the land?


To recapitulate: Villar, a self-proclaimed trapo, thinks that he can give the people what they want. If his statements are any indication, however, he obviously believes that people do not want a president who (a) has a platform, (b) tells the truth, or (c) spends within reasonable limits.

In view of the foregoing, there can only be one possible answer to a Villar presidency.


Transcript of interview with Villar on C5 expose

Transcript of interview with Sen. Manny Villar

Q: May twelve signatures na ang Committee of the Whole on the ethics case against you.

Villar: Hindi naman ako nagugulat doon dahil talaga namang inaasahan na natin na ganoon ang mangyayari. Kaya nga noong una pa lamang, hindi na sumali ang Minorya dito sa committee hearings na ito dahil sa talagang inaasahan naming na tapos na, meron nang konklusyon. Kapag tiningnan mo ang mga bumoto ng laban sa akin, sila ang mga miyembro ng Liberal Party, Pwersa ng Masa na mga kalaban naman natin sa pulitika, sa pagkapangulo at mga dating pangulo sa pagkapangulo. Maliwanag naman talaga na bias lahat pero nililiwanag ko lang na malaking kasinungalingan ang lahat ng iyan. Hindi ko nga alam kung saang panaginip nakuha iyong P6 billion, P200 million lang dati iyon. Subalit nasagot ko nang isa-isa iyan. Nasa internet na lahat iyan, may website tayo, dini-distribute ko lahat ng sagot namin dito sa C-5. Ang C-5 ay isang napakagandang proyekto, 6 milyon na Pilipino ang directly nakikinabang diyan sa Las Pinas, Paranaque, Cavite. Napakagandang proyekto iyan, finally natapos na yung pinakahuling parte ng C-5. Pinagmamalaki nating project iyan. Bagaman hindi totoo na akin lamang ang project na iyan dahil sa talagang iyan ay DPWH. Kaya yung kine-claim na sa atin lang iyan, gusto ko mang angkinin iyan ay hindi pwede, sa DPWH iyan. Pangalawa, double insertion, pauli-ulit naman ito. Nasagot ko na lahat ito, walang double insertion. Mismong ang Senate president ang nagsabi na hindi puwede. Mismong si Yolly Doblon ng LBRMO ang witness na sinubpoena nila, nagsabi na walang double insertion. Kaya nagtataka ako kung bakit nang lumabas ang report ay hindi nabanggit iyon. Ang nakakapagtaka, lahat ng witness na sila ang nag-imbita, wala kami doon, ang abugado nila ang nagtatanong, silang dalawa lang ng abugado ang nag-uusap doon. Subalit lahat ng witness na pinatawag nila, wala ni isa ang nagsabi na ako ay may kasalanan. Si Mrs. Lala ng DPWH, sinabi na walang realignment, definite. Si Mrs. Bacod, sinabi definitely na walang overprice. At tinanong siya kung papagawin siya ng report, iyon uli ang report na gagawin, ang sabi niya oo. Walang realignment sabi ng DPWH, walang overprice sabi ni Mrs. Bacod, walang double insertion, ag sabi ni Yolly Doblon. Nagsabi ng totoo ang lahat na wala akong kasalanan. Kaya nagulat kami na biglang may kasalanan na ako ngayon at nag-imbento pa ng halaga. Kaya maliwanag naman ito, pulitika lang ito. Nakahanda akong sagutin ang lahat ng katanungan, sinasabi nila na ayaw ko sumagot. Pagod na pagod na ako sa kasasagot. Nagpainterbyu na nga ako sa artista para mapanood lang ang aking sagot sa C-5. Panay na ang pa-interview ko, sa internet, handouts, dinala ko lahat ng media sa C-5. Ipinakita ko ang dalawang daan.

Q: Ipinapasoli ang P6 billion…

Villar: Yung pinapasoli, nakakatawa. Unang-una, may penalty ba na ganoon? Wala akong alam na penalty na ganun sa Ethics. Yung pagsoli, hindi ko alam kung saan naimbento iyan. Anyway, kapag pinapasoli, parang sinasabi na walang silbi ang C-5. Palagay ko baka taga-Forbes Park ang nagsabi nun kasi ang C-5 ay napakahalaga. 6 milyon na mga kababayan namin ang makikinabang directly sa Las Pinas, Paranaque, Cavite. Napakahalaga sa amin na matapos ito. Grabe ang trapik. Kaya masayang-masaya ang lahat kapag ito ay kumpletong magagamit. Kaya yung isosoli, para mong sinabing ang C-5 ay nasayang. Pangalawa, ano ba iyang P6 bilyon na iyan, hanggang ngayon hindi ko maisip kung saan nanggaling iyon. Baka kako ang gumawa noon ay mana ang iniisip kaya napalaki.

Q: Gumastos ba ang government nang ganun kalaki?

Villar: Napakalayo ng halaga na iyan sa nagastos ng gobyerno. At saka ang pangyayari, pinapaghalo ang toll road sa C-5. Ang C-5, maski pa mula UP ay walang bayad iyan. Ang toll road, may bayad. Ang toll road ay tuloy pa rin, hindi sayang iyon. Hindi pa lamang natatapos dahil iyan ay isang pribadong transaksyon. Kaya yung right of way na kinuha ko noon hindi nasasayang iyan at hindi naman nila binayaran yun kaya walang ibabalik. Yung TRB nga hindi pa rin kami binayaran, okay lang iyon. Kaya ano ang ibabalik mo, hindi naman sila nagbabayad?

Q: Parang ang gusto nila ay sa plenary mo sagutin.

Villar: Wala pa ang report. Pero ang totoo niyan, 20 hearings na, 5 TWG (technical working group), pwera pa yung privilege speeches, sobrang dami na. Dalawang taon na akong binibira dito, pagod na pagod na ko nang kasasagot. Alam naman natin na ang gusto lamang nilang mangyari ay dahil eleksyon ngayon at ang survey ay ginagawa ngayon kaya gusto nilang palabasin ngayon ito. Kaya inuulit ko sa lahat na handa akong sagutin. Sa lahat po nang nagsasabi na hindi ko kayang sagutin ito, lahat po kaya kong sagutin.

Q: Duwag daw kayo sabi ni JPE.

Villar: Palagay ko ang pagtakbo sa pagkapresidente ay nangangailangan ng katapangan dahil sa dami ng problemang haharapin. At kapag tiningnan mo ang aking buhay, makikita mo naman na hindi tayo duwag na tao. Tayo ay pinanganak sa Tondo bagaman tayo ay mahirap ay hindi tayo natatakot kaninuman. Kaya lamang hindi ako palaaway dahil nasanay na ako na ako ay nagtatrabaho, wala naman akong minana.

Q: Magpi-privilege speech kayo?

Villar: Yes, definitely at the right time. Hindi ko muna alam kung ngayon o sa darating na panahon. Subalit definitely kapag may report na, sasagutin ko iyan. Unang-una nais ko lang i-correct ang impresyon na hindi ako sumasagot. Nandoon kayo nung sumagot ako, sinagot ko lahat ng tanong. Akala lang kasi nila ay napakahaba ng sagot, maikli lang ang sagot. Simple lang kasi ito. Ito ay makakatulong sa bayan. Ang proyektong ito ay napakahalaga sa bayan. Ito ang kailangan natin.

Q: How do you feel na si Sen. Pangilinan ay pumirma din?

Villar: Masakit din iyon bilang isang kaibigan. Kahit paano ay masakit din. Kaya lang syempre, sumusunod siya sa Liberal Party, iyon ang posisyon ng LP kaya walang magagawa.

Q: Nag-usap ba kayo after that?

Villar: Hindi pa. Pero ganyan talaga iyan kapag eleksyon na, syempre naglilinyahan na ang mga tao. At nakita ko na lahat sa kabila ay sama-sama sa C-5, dito sa kabila, ako lang ang kandidato for president.

Q: Magkaibigan pa rin kayo?

Villar: Oo naman. Bagaman syempre kapag kaibigan, mas masakit iyon.

Q: Bakit po wala kayo kahapon?

Villar: Na-late ako, nag-adjourn na.

Q: May impression na may attempt na ma-oust si SP Enrile para ma-prevent ang pagtalakay sa report?

Villar: Wala naman. Mali naman iyon. Itong committee hearings na ito, kahit hindi kami nag-participate dito ay tapos na itong konklusyon na ito noon pa. Alam na namin ito.

Q: The insinuation that the attempt came from your camp…

Villar: Mali naman iyon. Alam mo kapag malapit nang mag-adjourn napakarami nang coup. Kapag nagsisimula na ang sesyon, may mga rumored na coup. Normal na normal iyan. Ako bilang dating pangulo ng Senado at Speaker of the House, normal iyan.

Q: Magpa-file daw ng plunder case…

Villar: Wala akong kaproble-problema diyan sa plunder case. Malaking kasinungalingan iyon at maliwanag na iyan ay publicity lamang.

Q: Malaking dagok ba ito sa kampanya ninyo especially because tumataas kayo sa survey?

Villar: Hindi naman. Hindi ako nababahala dito, nalalaman ng tao na may crab mentality ang mga Pilipino, kung sino ang nagtatrabaho, siya ang sinisiraan. Sa palagay ko, gusto lamang pagtakpan ng mga naninira sa akin na walang silang nagawa sa kanilang mga lupa. Yung iba kahit barangay road, walang naitayo.

Villar and the plot for Senate Presidency vs Enrile

The Plot

Now, that the specter of a failure of elections is becoming more and more real, the senate presidency becomes a crucial position.

Under the law on succession, in case of a vacancy in the presidency, the vice president takes over. If the VP is unable to assume the presidency, next in line is the senate president and then the speaker of the House of Representatives. If the there is no one qualified, Congress shall pass a law to provide who shall serve as acting president until the president or vice president shall have been elected and qualified.

But what if no winner is declared for the national positions by June 30, 2010., when Gloria Arroyo’s stolen presidency ends? There would be no Congress to pass the law. The remaining 12 senators would not consitute a quorum to elect a senate president because the current senate president, Juan Ponce Enrile, is up for re-election,

There would a political vacuum and that’s very dangerous. Enrile had mentioned the possibility of a military takeover.

Lito Banayo, in his column in Malaya last Wednesday, mentioned a plot to depose Enrile and install a pro-Gloria senate president who would serve as acting president. Joker Arroyo? Edgardo Angara? Manny Villar? (Come to think of it,Villar’s term for senator is still up to 2013. If he loses the presidency, he goes back to the Senate.)

Part of Banayo’s column:

“So … your Doña will choose a new Senate President?” I said. (The Senate is a continuing body. Juan Ponce Enrile is now third in the line of succession, but he may not have been proclaimed a re-elected senator by then.)

“Yes, po”, suddenly sounding deferential, “pero balita ko po naayos na ni Manny Villar ang mga boto.”

I did quick mental calculations, and drew some kind of matrix on a paper napkin. SP-JPE was elected on the basis of a coalition of two Liberals, namely Mar and Pong Biazon, plus Ping and Jamby, plus NPC’s Chiz and Loren, plus the administration’s Edong, Migs, and Bong, plus PMP’s Jinggoy, quasi-independent Dick Gordon, plus Gringo and JPE himself. Noynoy wanted to join his fellow LP’s, but in deference to his ailing mother whose term JPE at the time wanted to cut short, he decided to abstain. When the majority of 13 had been cobbled, Miriam rhymed in even if she had recused herself earlier, and so did Lapid, both of whom the new majority tolerated just to fortify their flanks. A motley group indeed.

On the other side, the Villar corner, remained the siblings Cayetano, plus Joker, plus Nene, plus Kiko, a Liberal Party member who identified better with the Wednesday Dining Society. The scorecard: 15-6-2 (One abstention in the case of Noynoy plus Trillanes in the brig).

But things have changed. Loren is now with Villar, although presumably Kiko will at last be loyal to the LP, which somehow neutralizes Loren’s volte face.

Which makes a fulcrum out of Bong and Lapid, both running under the PaLaKa ticket, plus Miriam who’s also with Villar, plus Jinggoy, plus Dick who’s also running for president, plus Edong and Migs.

Okay. Bong, Lito, Jinggoy, Miriam, Dick, Edong and Migs removed from JPE is 15 minus 7 equals 8. Those seven, added to the Cayetanos, plus Joker and Nene, plus Loren, and Villar, mismo, equals — 14! The magic number. And even if Noynoy this time wants to cast a vote for the status quo, so what?

But will Migs bite, and be with Nene in the same tent? What about Dick, who styles himself as too much of an independent?

“I do not know the “who” specifics. I just know there is a plot, and I was told that it’s a go. So apparently, Villar and my Doña have the numbers all sewn up,” he stated. “As you can see, my Doña wants to appoint the next Chief Justice. She is covering all the bases. Honestly, this is way too much,” he added.

“Oh, and by the way, Ping might not even be able to vote for JPE. You know…Dacer-Corbito”, he further said.

Suddenly I recalled what I saw in Friday night’s late newscast. It was reported that Carina Dacer, one of Bubby’s heiresses, was preparing to add Erap in the Dacer-Corbito charge sheet. But, they would rather watch what happens in the “trial” of Ping Lacson.

Aha! Twisting the rope into a noose! That just might explain why Jinggoy was included in the “swing” list. If Erap’s freedom is on the line, can the son be far away from becoming an acquiescent instrument to the plot?

“But who will be selected as the next SP?” I half-knowingly asked, “and the deed must be consummated by February 5.”

It has to be one who could stay as senator till 2013, which means Joker? Edong? Or Villar, mismo! Bingo!

Who, of course, is just between La Doña and El Villar to transact, with Erap’s head on the dock.

Now, if you were the Doña, who would you trust more — lawyers Joker and Edong who can be wily and wilier, or someone who has already thrown in billions towards an election where the votes may not even be counted?

Gibo on new governance, Con-Ass, Arroyo, Danding and Lucio Tan

Ruling party candidate Gilberto Teodoro wants constitutional change to reform governance
December 1, 2009 | Posted by raissa robles

Forming a unicameral legislature, that would in effect scrap the Philippine Senate, tops Gilberto Teodoro’s presidential agenda.
Gilberto Teodoro with his Xavier University classmates who promise to help him win – photo by Raissa Robles

Gilberto Teodoro with his Xavier School classmates who promise to help him win – photo by Raissa Robles

The 45-year-old defense secretary told Asian Dragon magazine that he was running for the nation’s highest office “because a lot of people want me to become president (and) I think I can do some other things before I quit public service.”

The slender, six-foot tall Teodoro exudes confidence and an easy charm that seems to project only one message — “believe in me, I’m the one.”

“I’d like to reform society, transform the political structure, reform public governance, to put it that way,” he said.

Apparently realizing that the phrase “reform society” sounded too much like buzz words from the late strongman President Ferdinand Marcos, he shifted gears and said, “Not society but public governance.”

Teodoro believes constitutional change is key to securing the nation’s political and economic future: “It’s the only thing that should be done. Public governance. We must transform. If not, we would just be in the same system as now. Forget it.”

Among the 2010 presidential candidates, Teodoro is alone in aggressively pushing it as his main platform of government. His proposals are similar to those being pushed without success by President Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo and the House of Representatives, which she has dominated.

One charter revision Teodoro is batting for is the partial lifting of the ban on foreign land ownership. His advocacy was borne out of his experience as a congressman of nine years and as a defense secretary for two years.

“I do not want a strictly presidential (form of government); it does not work in this country. And a bicameral presidential does not work,” he said. “It (the structure) could be parliamentary, (it) depends on the sense of the Constitutional Convention,” which he would ask Congress to convene immediately if he wins.

The bottom line is, “I’d like a more synergistic structure” in which there is “unity of effort, of cooperation” between and among those who make the laws and those who implement them.

He’s familiar with how a unicameral legislature works. For eight years since he was 14, his mother Mercedes served as an assemblywoman at the unicameral Batasang Pambansa that Marcos created in 1978 to lend his dictatorship a veneer of democracy.

Teodoro regrets the day his late aunt, former President Corazon Aquino, threw out Marcos’ 1973 Constitution and replaced it with a “reactionary” charter. “I’ve studied the (1987) Constitution for a long, long time,” he said. “It looks back. It just corrected everything… Marcos did. It did not provide a mechanism for the future.”

Teodoro believes Marcos was “wrong in declaring martial law” even though his uncle, businessman Eduardo “Danding” Cojuanco, was part of Marcos’ inner circle. Cojuangco heads the National People’s Coalition, of which Teodoro was a member before he bolted to join the Administration’s Lakas and be its standard bearer.

He said martial law “just prolonged the agony.” Marcos should have simply waited for the Constitutional Convention, in which Teodoro’s mom was a delegate helping draft a new charter. “And if the Constitutional Convention completed its work, (and) the Constitution was properly ratified, we would have had a good Constitution in 1973, except for the economic provisions.”

Asked if he could turn out like Marcos who was elected president at 47, Teodoro replied, “People have experienced what Marcos had done.” Besides, he added, “I’m a different person.”

“Marcos had a very, very strong sense of history. I don’t share that… I don’t keep a diary. I’m not that kind of a leader,” he said. “I’m a consensus builder leader. I’m not a dictator unless there’s something that has already been agreed upon and I need to enforce it.”

“I don’t intend to be a Roman conqueror. I intend to do what I can, contribute what I can, then go while I’m still young,” he said.

Teodoro’s political career started when he was just 15 when he was elected as a youth representative to Congress and as a member of the Kabataang Barangay. “I tasted power,” he said.

“But when Marcos was ousted, my mother lost her position; my father resigned (as administrator of the private pension fund, Social Security System).” It was, he added, an experience that has served him well because it was a reminder that “all these are just temporary.”

He said he wanted to retire young from politics and just “read the Scriptures” or become a consultant. He even said he would cut his presidential term short if demanded by a new constitution. But he said he didn’t need to put any of that in writing.

He said a master of laws degree he got from Harvard University gave him a democratic, non-protectionist bent. This was also why he switched from his Uncle Danding’s NPC to Arroyo’s Lakas. NPC was “very protectionist” in business. Lakas-Kampi had a “centrist, democratic, humanist ideology,” which matched his own beliefs.

He rejected the notion he was committing political suicide by being backed by the highly unpopular Arroyo.

In Washington last September, when asked what he thought of Arroyo being charged for graft, he said: “We have to put a stop to the politics of vengeance. I choose to look forward. Dispensing justice is the job of the judicial authorities. If a president dips his fingers in the prosecution of someone, especially if this was is his political enemy, that’s vengeance. When he does that, he’ll be spending 60 percent of his time looking over his shoulder that this will not happen to him too.”

When asked by Asian Dragon whether as a lawyer he found any basis for charging Arroyo of any wrongdoing, he said “that’s an inappropriate question to ask a Cabinet member of the president.”

When told he was being asked because he was a presidential candidate, he said it was “still inappropriate.”

Even after resigning from her Cabinet his lips would still be sealed by an “attorney-client relationship. And I don’t care about popular tendencies or politics just to fling those relationships to the ground. I’m not the kind of person who does that.”

Similarly, he would be hands off with the ill-gotten wealth cases of Lucio Tan and his uncle Danding because he defended both while working for seven years with the law office of Estelito Mendoza, who was a solicitor general of the Marcos regime.

When reminded that Arroyo did not display such qualms with President Joseph Estrada whom she served as social welfare secretary, he replied, “I don’t know. When I’m faced with the situation I’ll make the appropriate decision.”

He complained that the media nag him about it. “Every day when I get out, that’s the first question asked of me. I’ll answer it the same way: At end of the day, if Filipino people feel they’re voting for the past rather than for the future, then this country is not going to get
anywhere,” he told Asian Dragon.

This statement was applauded by several former schoolmates from Xavier School who were present during the interview and who were campaigning for him.

“He’s very upright. He’s the one guy that won’t be influenced,” one of them said. He recalled that in grade five, “Gibo” as he was already called, told him he wanted to be president some day. Teodoro could not recall saying that.

Teodoro’s defection to Lakas has set tongues wagging about a rift between himself and Uncle Danding, who is his mother’s brother and who was also his ninong (godfather) during his baptism and marriage.

“They can speculate all they want,” he said, insisting that they remained on good terms. He said he did not consult his uncle about his career move and Cojuangco did not congratulate him when he became Lakas standard bearer “because our professional and personal (relations) are separate.”

He denied that Cojuangco was out to punish him by fielding someone else against his wife, Monica, also known as Nikki, in the congressional polls next year. Sources earlier said the young couple earned Cojuangco’s ire when Monica refused to give way to Cojuangco’s anointed candidate. Teodoro said there was no truth to that, saying, “The running of my wife was (endorsed by) all the elective officials of Tarlac and with the consent of the governor (Victor) Yap and my uncle (Cojuangco).”

Teodoro’s statements would have laid the matter to rest if Cojuangco himself did not publicly speak out and say, “One my nephews left (the party) even if we did not ask him to leave. It only means that we are of no consequence to him. So why should that be a bother to me?”

Lakas’ backing, however, has barely lifted his tail-end rating in the presidential surveys. Analysts predicted that his poor showing as the anti-disaster czar during the two recent typhoons would further sink his chances.

Still, hope springs that the mammoth machinery of the ruling party will carry Teodoro to victory. (I wrote this for Asian Dragon magazine, which also permitted me to post it on my blog. My interview was conducted with Teodoro just before the deadly typhoon Ketsana [Ondoy] struck Metro Manila and long before President Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo announced her run for Congress. When Teodoro filed his candidacy for president today, he silently dropped constitutional change as the center of his platform of government. He did not say why.}